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The central theme of A People’s History is that class struggle defines American society. That struggle sits at the heart of this book, from the Spanish conquests to the recent presidents. Readers might think that this struggle is inevitable and unwinnable. But in many ways, the book is intended to be encouraging to future activists. Zinn declares that the book’s goal is to “remind people of what the Establishment would like them to forget—the enormous capacity of apparently helpless people to resist, of apparently contented people to demand change” (634). The book is as much about the strengths inherent in the working class as it is about the ways the elites have shaped society.
In many chapters, Zinn chooses to linger on the victories of social movements, to dissect the tactics and strengths that enabled them. The book also foregrounds many instances in which protests, strikes, and activism made a positive impact on people’s lives. Rather than producing nebulous, easy to dismiss rights, the activism Zinn promotes improves working conditions, raises wages, and ends wars. For example, when he discusses the 1960s, Zinn highlights how Black activists pioneered tactics of civil disobedience in Montgomery. Rosa Parks found a way to subvert the system and challenge her local power dynamics in ways that could not be ignored or misunderstood. She was supported by a local civil rights movement that was well organized and ready to spring into action, turning her personal stand into a city-wide struggle.
In later years, these tactics of passive resistance were taught to college students via the SNCC and other campus civil rights programs. This training and organization later evolved into a constellation of rights movements. The SNCC transformed into the anti-Vietnam protest movement. And while Betty Friedan developed her political philosophy and writing style while working for the civil rights movement, it was her later works on gender in America that made her greatest impact. And other activists remained committed anti-war protestors even after the war in Vietnam had ended. Zinn focuses on the value of this activism and the tactics that most benefited the movement, and he hopes to pass these lessons on to succeeding generations. In this way, A People’s History can be seen as an attempt to continue this inter-generational knowledge exchange. It serves as a rallying point from which new activism might spring.
War is a fundamental component of Zinn’s narrative. Unlike in traditional histories, where wars like the Civil War and World War II are described in heroic, noble, and patriotic terms, Zinn describes war as a tool of social control. For him, war is a distraction. Money must be spent on arms but is badly needed for the disenfranchised. In addition, wars serve as an excuse for the establishment to suppress individual rights in the name of patriotism. Within the framework of class struggle, warfare becomes a way for the upper-class establishment to halt the march of activism. An example can be found with the IWW during World War I. Prior to America’s involvement, the IWW made considerable gains in organizing workers and training leaders about how to strike. They conducted several successful strikes and it seemed as if nothing could check the organization’s growing popularity—until the United States began to intervene directly in Europe’s war.
The war, and the surge in nationalist sentiment that went with it, provided a pretext for passing a series of laws that greatly curtailed free speech and made organizing against the war not just difficult but illegal. These tools were applied not primarily against pro-German saboteurs but socialists and peace activists. Figures such as Eugene Debs and Bill Hayward, leading prewar union organizers, never regained the stature they possessed prior to the war. Attempts on the local level to destroy “socialists,” which became a euphemism for any trade unionist organization, were successful. Stoked by fears of war, most Americans traded equality for security. Zinn highlights countless examples.
A similar phenomenon occurred during the Second World War. Activism was at a peak during the Depression, but the war provided an excuse for the government to tamp down on dissent. The postwar period provided a departure from this pattern in that the constant and pervasive fear of Communism and Soviet subversion legitimized attacks against left-wing organizing. Zinn does not, however, take the next step and suggest that these wars were started with the purpose of targeting activism. Rather, Zinn emphasizes how wars, once they happened, were used by elite groups to divert the energy of activists away from domestic issues. The one time when this pattern did not hold, the Vietnam War, is notable as an exception. Zinn argues that the Vietnam peace movement was exceptional in its influence and ability to alter the policy of the US government. Thanks to strong organizing and a generational commitment to societal change, the Vietnam War became the only war Zinn mentions that increased class consciousness.
Zinn writes a history that is skeptical of government policies as well as of the lower class’s ability to change those policies. Early on, he says that “this book will be skeptical of governments and their attempts, through politics and culture, to ensnare ordinary people in a giant web of nationhood pretending to a common interest” (10). Zinn suggests that as early as the American Revolution, the US government was designed by elites to serve their interests. But the elites could not resist the British and control the lower classes at the same time, especially if the common American decided that London would better protect them than colonial elites. Elites recast the Revolution in terms that would be palatable to the lower class as well as the upper.
This pattern was replicated through several periods of history. After the Civil War, African Americans obtained legal freedom. But greater integration in the US would have required economic and social changes that were unpalatable to elites. In 1877, American elites traded racial justice for prosperity and social stability. Zinn described voting and the traditional right to petition the government for redress as America’s “traditional cooling mechanism” (457). That is, Zinn argues that voting and attempts to change American institutions from within the system are destined for failure. American democracy, he argues, was designed from the outset to be deliberative and slow. Politicians were given every opportunity to reconsider their actions and to prevent popular and populist proposals from becoming policy. Consequently, organizations such as NOW and the NAACP, which focused on legal remedies for inequality, were likewise doomed to failure.
To Zinn, the first thing activists had to do was accept that change within the system was impossible and that they had to fight the system. Organizations such as the IWW and the Communist Party did so. They rejected the constraints of traditional polite labor politics. Instead, they fought for workers’ rights and, in some cases, produced significant success. The anti-Vietnam War movement likewise challenged social norms. Instead of deferring to elites who argued that Americans should sacrifice to win the war, protestors worked to stop the war. Once the anti-war movement had stepped outside the confines of polite society, it was able to adopt tactics and rhetoric that Zinn argues successfully undermined the war effort and hastened a conclusion.
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