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Tasha Samar, an immigrant from Russia, wanted to find a place where she belonged. She didn’t want to be burdened by the daily monotony of decisions, and, more than that, she wanted a group who could help her forge bonds and an identity. This led Tasha into the Healthy, Happy, Holy Organization, also known as 3HO, which was a cult based around a perversion of Sikh culture that met in kundalini yoga studios. Members of the cult had to take on new identities and couldn’t communicate with others outside of the cult. Members of 3HO received new names and were subject to arranged marriages. Each member was required to revere the leader, and Tasha remembers the language entrenched around this cult that twisted benign terms like “old soul” to instill fear of leaving the cult.
Similarly, Alyssa Clarke, a young adult who moved to Los Angeles, sought a place where she could stay in shape. She found herself wrapped up in the CrossFit life and became a disciple of the coach, known as the WoDFather (founder of the Workout of the Day and the CrossFit program). CrossFit required Alyssa to learn new terminology and play by the group’s rules, or else she would be shamed on social media. CrossFit, Montell argues, is a cult, and one Alyssa was grateful to leave; though she wasn’t assaulted or forced into a new identity like Tasha, they both were members of cults powered by language.
Montell examines the American obsession with cults and the language used around them to build a basis for further exploration of the phenomenon in subsequent chapters. She argues that people are fascinated by cults because their mechanisms evade our understanding. This inability to grasp what makes a cult, and especially what makes a person join one, drives interest. Humans need communication, and language wields incredible power. The slipperiness of what qualifies as a cult and the negative connotation attached to the word makes the discussion murky. Cult leaders often rely on omission and the distortion of truth to create a reality. To move forward with the conversation, Montell rejects the notion of brainwashing and describes indicators of “cultish” topics rather than a formal denotation of a “cult.”
Cults inspire interest not only because people seek to understand what makes someone join one but also because the modern era faces existential challenges, sociopolitical upheaval, general instability, and a distrust of major institutions. This is also a time where individualism has flourished, and more opportunities are available now than ever. Due to the combined factors of overwhelming choices, increasing isolation, lack of institutional support, and a drive to have an identity, the United States is saturated with groups that qualify as cultish.
The United States has a long history of cults, due to the country’s foundation in alternative spiritual and religious offerings in the 1600s. By the 1800s, the United States was seeing all kinds of offshoots of religions and new ideologies. The cult movement peaked in the 1970s, an era considered by some scholars the Fourth Great Awakening, when religious cults were on the rise due to social and political turmoil. By the 1980s, cults had gained a negative reputation, which led to the paranoia of the Satanic Panic, but they also had a moment in countercultural movements. By the 1990s, cult participation was largely regarded as deviant, but recently there has been another emergence of cults.
Montell carefully works to unpack our language around cults by dispelling ideas like brainwashing and applying the idea of a cult to common, socially acceptable groups like those practicing mainstream religions and even the military. She argues, “We don’t say that soldiers are brainwashed to kill other people; that’s basic training” (34). The language around cults shapes our understanding of them, and cults aren’t inherently good or bad, although the feedback loop created by the media giving the most problematic cults headlines reinforces the negative connotations associated with cults.
This negative connotation has real-world consequences, like the FBI raid on the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas, during the 51-day standoff that led to the deaths of 80 people. An FBI raid on a formally recognized religious institution would likely be seen as horrifying, and Montell offers the half joke that religions are just cults that have grown over time. Because cults carry this negative weight, their followers are “instantly relegated to a subclass of human” (37). This attitude toward cults shifts the narrative away from real conversations and critical thought about what it means to be in a cult and why people join them.
Montell shares how her father was forced into a cult by his father and stepmother when he was 14 years old. The cult, known as Synanon, engaged in some troubling practices, including extreme truth-telling in the Game, during which members verbally abused each other and forged traumatic bonds. During his time in the cult, her father worked in the lab, where he fostered a love for real science. He eventually escaped, but his experiences colored Montell’s upbringing by making her wary of all things cultish.
Montell examines how language works to manipulate members and minimize the traumatic, controlling impact of the cult through terms like “the Game,” which sounds playful and voluntary but is ultimately neither. Montell extends this analysis to other cults and offers the thesis that language has an ability to create identities and shape reality and is therefore a critical part of cults. Another example of this is Alcoholics Anonymous, which is a more positive cultish group with a vocabulary all its own that enables members to label their experiences with clear, specific terminology, even if that jargon sounds strange or confusing to outsiders.
Montell then offers a high-level overview of the rest of the book, focusing in Part 2 on suicide cults, in Part 3 on religious cults, in Part 4 on MLMs, in Part 5 on cult fitness, and in Part 6 on social-media gurus. She wants to unmask language’s role in how cults work and how we engage with cultish mechanisms around us.
In Part 1: “Repeat After Me,” Montell establishes common language for discussing cults, the historical context of cults in America, and her background in the subject to build the basis for discussion and her ethos. She achieves these aims by speaking directly to the audience with precise diction and inclusive “us” language.
Montell’s diction does some of the heavy lifting in her sharing of ideas. For example, she establishes definitions for the ideas discussed in the book in Part 1 to ensure readers are on the same page and build a basis for discussion. While she admits and explores how tricky the word “cult” is to define, she uses imagery to render the otherwise complex and often obscure concept tangible by comparing it to “a mini universe” (13). Cults aren’t some abstract evil in the world, and in fact, she demonstrates how the concept of a cult didn’t have a negative connotation until much later in history, most prominently in the 1970s. The language she uses to characterize cults is more neutral but also specific. “Mini” and “universe” do not carry any heavy connotations, and by pairing them together, Montell depicts how enclosed yet encompassing cults can be. The key that allows leaders to form cults, she argues, isn’t gullibility or disorders of the mind but the power of language and the human need for connection.
Another way Montell forges a bond with readers, ironically, is a bit like the cultish language she discusses throughout the book. She also uses “us” language to forge a bond with readers and probe the deeper reasons that draw readers to this topic:
The reason millions of us binge cult documentaries or go down rabbit holes researching groups from Jonestown to QAnon is not that there’s some twisted voyeur inside us all that’s inexplicably attracted to darkness. We’ve all seen enough car crashes and read enough cult exposés; if all we wanted was a spooky fix, we’d be bored already. But we’re not bored, because we’re still hunting for a satisfying answer to the question of what causes seemingly ‘normal’ people to join—and, more important, stay in—fanatical fringe groups with extreme ideologies. We’re scanning for threats, on some level wondering, Is everyone susceptible to cultish influence? Could it happen to you? Could it happen to me? And if so, how? (Part 1, Chapter 2, page 11)
By using the pronoun “us,” rather than a more pointed, potentially accusatory “you” or the impersonal “people,” Montell makes the obsession with cults feel like a more universal experience, despite how perverse and disturbing it may, on first hearing, seem. She shows that it is human nature to experience an intense interest in unsettling experiences because of a desire to make that which is terrifying comprehensible. We want to know why, so we can understand the danger. It can feel personal. By calling this out early in the manuscript, she also lays the groundwork to dispel The Myth of Brainwashing, suggesting that joining a cult can happen to almost anyone, even “seemingly ‘normal’ people” (11). This is one of the key points of this book: normalizing awareness of and interest in cultish rhetoric, which permeates society and to which everyone is subject. By creating a culture of common interest, she gains the reader’s trust as well as shows what a strong handle she has on the psychological components of cults and our interest in them, reaffirming her ethos.
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