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Arising in the Meiji Restoration period, militarism was a key part of Japan’s imperial ideology from the 1920s until the end of the Second World War. Militarist ideology was rooted in patriotism, honor, and the belief that the military was the backbone of the nation. Militarism permeated all aspects of Japan’s society. The author describes the Imperial Rescript of Education which the school children repeated every day: “Should any emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State” (33).
However, militarism also had practical reasons. First, Japan underwent a series of economic problems, particularly during the Great Depression. Second, Japan experienced a surge in population growth. Being an island country, it required an increase in importing food. However, its exportation was hampered by tariffs. As a result, Japan resorted to wars of expansion and conquest to stabilize its economy. The government presented this expansion as one that would bring an era of peace and abundance. Japan’s right-wing or nationalist organizations also believed in territorial expansion, particularly in light of the economic pressures of the time. In this sense, militarism was a corollary of expansionism.
Japan annexed Korea in 1910 and, by 1931, invaded Manchuria following the Mukden Incident—when the Chinese soldiers were accused of trying to bomb a train. This invasion set Japan on the path of aggressive colonial expansion and war until its surrender in 1945. Japan’s Kwantung Army conquered Manchuria (Manchukuo) and made it an “independent state.” By 1937, Second Sino-Japanese War began. Between 1940-1942, Japan occupied present-day Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Thailand, and Burma. These colonial possessions existed within the so-called Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere (1931-1945)—a euphemism for Japan’s territorial expansion and resource exploitation.
The prolonged war as it combined with years of militarist conditioning is one of the main reasons why defeat was so difficult for the Japanese to process psychologically. Therefore, the Americans’ occupation goal—democratization and demilitarization—included not only the practical changes of armament reduction and political restructuring of Japan after 1945 but also psychological aspects. War fatigue among Japanese citizens helped in this process.
Dower also points out the plethora of documents released during the Military Tribunal for the Far East as they pertained to “Class A” war crimes. Whereas “Class B” and “Class C” crimes covered crimes against humanity and other types of war crimes, “Class A” crimes specifically pertained to the plotting of war. Dower believes that highlighting the political intrigue that went on behind the scenes at the start of the war was very eye-opening for the Japanese. Beyond the wartime hardship and physical devastation, these revelations solidified anti-war attitudes within the broad layers of Japanese society. Anti-war attitudes were also formalized as part of Japan’s new constitution (1947) initiated by the American conquerors. Specifically, Article 9 renounced war and asserted international peace. This Article caused debates within the Japanese officialdom regarding the question of self-defense and just war.
The rebranding of Emperor Hirohito in the eyes of the public—from a militarist leader presiding over a decade-and-a-half-long war to a postwar pacifist and advocate of democracy clad in Western clothing—was the final step in Japan’s transformation. MacArthur viewed Hirohito’s figure as intrinsic to Japan’s social cohesion during this time of change, but the SCAP also understood the psychological effects of positioning Japan’s former political leader as a symbol of demilitarization. These combined factors resulted in Japan’s successful move away from militarist ideology.
The tension between a victim and an aggressor is one of the central themes in Embracing Defeat. While the Japanese rapidly expanded into Asian countries (1931-1945) and committed mass-scale atrocities in the process, Japanese civilians lived under aerial bombings that destroyed up to 40% of urban infrastructure and left 30% of its residents homeless. The broadscale postwar devastation during the American occupation affected all Japanese, including the veterans.
There are two key reasons why Dower chose this theme. First, war scholarship often focuses on leadership and military strategy rather than social history. In contrast, the author seeks to highlight the lived experience of ordinary people swept up by major historical events. He presents many documentary accounts: personal stories, letters to newspapers, political cartoons, magazines, and photographs. This approach allows a reader to better empathize with the subjects, as the human drama transcends cultural differences and speaks to a basic humanity. Second, demonstrating that aggressors can simultaneously be victims surpasses black-and-white interpretations.
Embracing Defeat often references the behavior of the Japanese imperial army, including the Japanese veterans’ own letters to newspapers in which they described their officers’ dishonorable behavior. This behavior ranged from violence targeting their own subordinates to mass-scale atrocities, such as the Rape of Nanking and the Bataan Death March. For instance, the Rape of Nanking began on December 13, 1937, and lasted into January 1938 for approximately six weeks. The Japanese Imperial Forces raped and murdered the civilians in this Chinese city during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Casualty estimates range between 100,000 and 300,000. The International Military Tribunal for the Far East found some of its participants guilty of the war crimes, and they were executed.
When the Japanese veterans returned home, the public did not meet them as heroes in the context of defeat. In the immediate aftermath of surrender, Dower describes hundreds of soldiers dying by suicide. Many others faced a life of joblessness due to the closure of the wartime industries. Food shortages, homelessness, and serious illnesses were also prevalent during the formal American occupation. POWs took up to five years to return to Japan from China and the USSR in poor health. As a result, the aggressors became victims in their own country.
The greatest victims were the civilians. They faced not only the postwar hardships but also the destruction during the war itself. Before the first use of nuclear weapons on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there were Allied bombing campaigns against Japan. The worst of these campaigns was the firebombing of Tokyo on March 9, 1945. Over the next two days, American airplanes delivered 2,000 tons of incendiary bombs over Japan’s capital. This campaign resulted in upward of 100,000 civilian deaths, burning approximately 16 square miles in the Tokyo area. In this case, the Americans were aggressors, and the Japanese civilians were the victims.
There have also been many debates about the necessity of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear bombings. Dower’s book is one of many historical accounts that shows Japan’s inability to continue fighting even though the emperor was late to announce formal surrender. Nonetheless, President Truman ordered the bombings on August 6 and 9, 1945. The result was an estimated quarter of a million dead and wounded civilians as well as the effects of radiation, such as cancer rates, for years to come.
Embracing Defeat demonstrates the brutality and complexities of war. In war, there are many clear-cut victims, yet sometimes the line between victim and aggressor is blurred. War tears off the thin layer of civilization to reveal barbarism. Engaging these complexities improves our understanding of history.
The relationship between the conquered Japanese and the American conquerors comprises another important theme throughout Embracing Defeat. The author analyzes this relationship by focusing on different aspects of Japanese society: from the sex workers engaged with the American occupying troops to the neocolonial perceptions and racist stereotypes intrinsic to the MacArthur-led democratization of Japan.
Dower examines sex work in Japan serving foreigners, not only to demonstrate the immediate circumstances of postwar Japan but also to use it as a metaphor for the relationship between the United States and its future ally, Japan. He uses the paradigm of gender and sexuality to describe this relationship in its microcosmic and macrocosmic forms. First, many women were forced into sex work due to the dire socio-economic conditions after Japan’s surrender. The author offers documentary support, such as letters sent to newspapers, in which women described being homeless and lacking food only to end up working in dark alleys. Many of these women were from the most vulnerable social groups, including non-Japanese women who already faced discrimination. At first, various Japanese ministries, such as the Home Ministry, organized the Tokyo Recreation and Amusement Association (RAA) to protect the reputable Japanese women from foreign male advances and even sexual assault by sacrificing the vulnerable to work in the sex industry. Cases of rape were underreported, according to the author. Dower outlines in graphic detail the aftermath of these political decisions, including sex workers’ suicides. However, the RAA did not last long, and sex workers continued to work in more underground settings after its dismantling.
Despite administrative changes, the sexualization of Japanese women—and Americans perceiving them as an exotic Other—was a consistent trend during the American occupation.
The author believes that the inequality of these roles also colored the relationship between the United States and Japan at the state level. The formal period of American occupation displayed neocolonialist, racist attitudes. The American occupation leadership generally had little understanding of Japanese culture and believed the Japanese to be incapable of democratizing themselves. The conquerors, therefore, imposed democracy in a carefully managed, top-down manner. They supplemented this democratization process with heavy censorship and the purging of the political Left. Considering the military occupation of Japan at this time, the American policy combined classic colonialism with hegemonic cultural suprematism.
Dower also describes how Americans exploited this unequal relationship. For example, the newly demilitarized Japanese were allowed to participate in military-related industries to supply the American troops during the Korean War. Crushing the Japanese progressive Left was in line with the position that the United States adopted in the Cold War—to counter Communism worldwide. Considering that the United States emerged as a superpower out of World War II, it generally viewed its allies as junior partners rather than equals. For Japan, this unequal relationship was later solidified through The Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan (1960).
Overall, the relationship between the conquerors and the conquered was complex. On the one hand, imperial Japan engaged in an aggressive expansion throughout Asia. Japan also attacked Pearl Harbor, drawing the United States into the Second World War. On the other hand, American postwar oversight of Japan combined the elements of colonialism (through military occupation and neocolonialism) through its supremacist, racist, paternalistic tutelage. In this sense, American democratization of Japan fits into a broader framework of European and American “civilizing” initiatives abroad as part of the colonization drive. On a socio-cultural level, neocolonialism translated into the Orientalist sexualization of Japanese women—from the treatment of sex workers to the underreported rapes at the hands of American GIs.
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