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The NKVD has been developing lethal poisons at a laboratory in Russia known as the Kamera, or “the Chamber.” There, “poisons of all kinds were tested on Russian political prisoners” (375). The aim was to create fast-acting and slow-acting poisons that could be concealed in food or drink. Such poisons had to be odorless and tasteless, and leave no visible marks on the body, so that they could not be identified in an autopsy.
Stalin and the NKVD assassinated political enemies, willing to commit these murders on foreign soil and against non-Soviet citizens. The most famous assassination in non-Soviet territory occurred in August 1940, when Soviet agent Ramon Mercader killed Leon Trotsky in Mexico. Trotsky, the leader of the Red Army after the Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917, had been Stalin’s main rival for power after the death of Vladimir Lenin, the first leader of the Soviet Union. Stalin also ruthlessly purged all those associated with Trotsky.
Due to the clandestine nature of NKVD activities, it is hard to verify whether they ever succeeded in developing an untraceable poison. However, in one suspicious and suggestive case, after Lev Sedov, Trotsky’s son, died mysteriously in Paris in 1938 at age 32, an autopsy found “strange purple bruising on his abdomen” (374). It is possible that the cause of death was an untraceable NKVD poison.
The Nuremberg trials, which begin on November 20, 1945, put 24 military and political leaders of Nazi Germany on trial for war crimes ranging from the murder of one million civilians during the siege of Leningrad to the executions of priests and prisoners of war. Of them, 12 will be sentenced to death by hanging, seven to prison, three will be acquitted, and one will commit suicide four days into the trial. Amongst the most well known of the Nazis on trial is Herman Goering, former head of the Luftwaffe. Eight judges preside over the trials, two from each Allied power.
One of the chief prosecutors at Nuremberg is “Wild Bill” Donovan, the head of the OSS, who develops a questionably close relationship with Goering. Donovan faces rumors that he is having an affair with his daughter-in-law. A report accusing the OSS of gross incompetence finds its way to President Truman, and in response, Truman shuts down the OSS on October 1, 1945. In the book, O’Reilly alleges that early in 1945, Donovan met with an American commando named Douglas Bazata and ordered the assassination of Patton.
On December 9, 1945, Patton is preparing to return to civilian life in Georgia. He has already packed his luggage and directs his orderly to assemble a hunting party to go pheasant hunting around Bad Nauheim. Private Horace Woodring drives Patton and US General Gay. First, they drive to the ruin of a first century Roman fort near Saalburg, and then proceed to the hunting grounds.
Meanwhile, tech sergeant Robert. L. Thompson and two other soldiers are driving around in a two-and-a-half-ton army truck in the same area. The official report describes them as having drunkenly commandeered the truck for the purposes of joyriding. As the truck approaches a crossroads, “Robert Thompson abruptly swerves hard to the left, driving his vehicle directly into the path of Patton’s Cadillac” (392). Woodring has no time to brake or get out of the way. The truck crashes into the side of Patton’s vehicle, leaving Woodring and Gay unscathed, but paralyzing Patton by a blow to the neck. He dies 12 days later, on December 21, in an army hospital at Heidelberg.
At the request of Patton’s wife, there is no autopsy. He is buried at the American military cemetery in Hamm, Luxembourg. Neither Eisenhower nor Truman attends. A German newspaper, the Süddeutsche Zeitung of Munich, reports on the funeral:
In spite of the pouring rain, thousands lined the streets from the central railroad station […] Representatives of nine countries and highest-ranking officers of the American troops stationed in Europe followed the coffin (398-399).
O’Reilly and Dugard conclude Killing Patton by pointing to what they see as several highly suspicious circumstances surrounding Patton’s death. They also dispute the official account of events.
All documentary evidence relating to the accident has disappeared. Thompson, the driver, vanished without trace after the incident. In 1979, former OSS operative Douglas Bazata claimed that he had been paid to wait for Patton’s car and fire a projectile into his neck. Bazata also claimed that since Patton did not die from the projectile, NKVD agents finished him off using an odorless poison.
The book makes a compelling case that Patton made many political missteps and was a bad ideological fit for post-war public life. He openly advocated re-arming Nazis to fight the USSR, which showed the United States government that Patton had outlived his usefulness. They tolerated his occasional insubordination when he was winning battles, but what “Wild Bill” Donovan called Patton’s “very serious disregard of orders for the common cause” (382) was simply unacceptable in peacetime. Patton’s popularity might make his argument for a new “hot” war against the USSR a supported idea.
Although no historians believe there is sufficient reason to believe that he was assassinated, O’Reilly argues that it is possible that the military police who concluded “that the collision was simply an accident” (392) were wrong. He has two pieces of evidence: the April incident where an unidentified Spitfire attacked Patton’s plane, and a later one when Patton was almost killed by a collision with a German peasant’s ox cart. O’Reilly has not done a survey of how many incidents of this sort were happening to other people during the postwar chaos, so it’s not clear why O’Reilly believes that these incidents constitute an outlying smoking gun rather than typical accidents.
O’Reilly’s also questions the official version of the fatal accident. No one checked the blood alcohol level of Thompson, the driver of the truck. Thompson was not brought up on charges of manslaughter or drunk driving; instead, he was discharged to America. The initial report of the investigators into the accident has gone missing. Again, though, while interesting, these details do not constitute the conspiracy theory proof O’Reilly needs. Without an accounting of how many other records from the time have gone missing, it is not clear whether these missing documents are par for the course or somehow extraordinary. Similarly, without data on how many drunk drivers in that part of Germany at that time would have had blood alcohol testing, we do not know whether the fact that no one tested Thompson is unusual. Without research into what kinds of charges were being filed against US soldiers on German soil and under what jurisdiction, we cannot know whether moving Thompson to the US seems nefarious or is simplifying an embarrassing situation where a sergeant managed to go joyriding in a truck without being stopped.
Aside from this, for it to have been murder rather than accident, Thompson would have had to have known precisely where Patton was heading on December 9. Who would have tipped him off? Only Patton’s orderly, Sergeant Meeks, the driver Woodring, and General Gay knew the route. Gay and Woodring were close to Patton, so they are unlikely culprits, and there is no evidence that Meeks had any contact with anyone in the OSS. O’Reilly’s final piece of evidence is the confession of ex-OSS operative Douglas Bazata, who claimed he received $10,000 to fire a projectile into the back of Patton’s neck. However, this story is clearly fictive. Published in 1974—five years before Bazata’s “confession”—the The Algonquin Project by Frederick Nolan tells a nearly identical story about an assassin who fires a projectile into Patton’s neck after his crash. O’Reilly himself admits that “Bazata read this book” (406). Most likely, Bazata, a colorful character who once posed for Salvador Dali, lied about all of this for attention.
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