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48 pages 1 hour read

The Rights of Man

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1791

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Part 1, Pages 28-50Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1, Pages 28-50 Summary

Paine challenges Burke on the origin of rights. He asserts that all humans have natural rights that are inherent to humankind and that all humans are created equal. Furthermore, civil rights—the rights that belong to human beings as members of society—are derived from natural rights. Civil rights are therefore meant to secure natural rights, not to erode them. 

Paine then examines governments. For most of history, governments have arisen either from superstition (priestcraft) or power (conquest). Paine argues that governments arising out of society have constitutions and that these constitutions must exist in a tangible form. Since the British constitution is (largely) unwritten, it cannot be shown to exist—therefore, Britain has no legitimate constitution. France’s National Assembly, on the other hand, is in the process of forming an actual constitution, which will represent the authority of the nation. 

Paine contrasts sensible parts of France’s new constitution (which did not take full effect until later, in 1791) with irrational English practices dating to the Norman Conquest of 1066. Paine expresses hope that the British will follow the French example and “annihilate those badges of ancient oppression” (36) from their own government. Furthermore, the British Parliament and members of the government enrich themselves on war, whereas the French are determined to remove the war-making power from kings and their ministers. Paine then mocks aristocratic titles, which the French constitution abolishes, and which the contempt of French public opinion has already rendered worthless. 

Paine then turns to an examination of aristocracy itself. Through the law of primogeniture, aristocracy destroys families by providing only for the eldest son. Corrupted by privilege, aristocrats are unfit to serve in the upper house of a legislature. Paine also credits the French with reforming abuses in clerical compensation and especially for establishing true freedom of conscience, which he distinguishes from mere religious toleration. Paine criticizes Burke for celebrating the union of church and state, which Paine regards as nothing more than a basis for persecution. 

Paine concludes this section by contrasting the principles and structures of the British and French governments, reminding readers that Burke wrote nothing by way of comparison on the subject of constitutions.

Part 1, Pages 28-50 Analysis

These middle pages of Part 1 mark a discernible shift in Paine’s approach. Having narrated the events surrounding the storming of the Bastille and the march on Versailles, Paine turns to political philosophy and explores the principles that distinguish the new revolutionary French government from its British counterpart.

At first glance, it might appear that Paine meanders from one topic to another, but there is logic to his arguments as well as his structure. First, he introduces the fundamental concept of natural rights and spends several pages explaining its meaning and significance. Paine was often mischaracterized as an atheist when in fact he was closer to a deist: someone who believes that a single, creator God made the world and then left it alone to function according to natural laws. In tracing natural rights back to their origin, “when man came from the hand of his Maker” (28) Paine posits that rights are given by Providence and are therefore part of the inherent, natural order of things. More importantly, he shows that if rights come from the creator God, then those rights cannot originate anywhere else, in which case those who argue that rights come from Earthly sources, such as tradition or ancient charters, appear to be usurping God’s authority. A man’s natural rights exist from the moment of his birth, so “[s]ociety grants him nothing” (31). The idea of inalienable natural rights is one of Paine’s major themes, which, later in the book, he will combine with the sovereignty of the people to make an argument for representative government.

After establishing natural rights as the foundation of his political philosophy, Paine spends the remainder of this section on the constitutional question. This is another of his major themes, and it marks a clear difference with Burke. Paine asks Burke to produce the actual British constitution, which of course cannot be done since the purported constitution amounts to precedents and institutional arrangements. Here is Paine’s second major objective in his quarrel with Burke: to prove that the British constitution does not actually exist. The British government, according to Paine, is nothing more than an accident of history, a product of conquest, an arbiter of special privileges, and a war machine. It is therefore neither a legitimate source of power, nor a provider of rights.

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